Volkswagen, for leaving the Dieselgate scandal in the dust (almost)<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy18-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
The German auto titan largely managed to swerve around the Dieselgate crisis in Europe, despite being hit with billions in the U.S. in settlements and compensation. Two years after the revelation the company installed defeat devices to skirt emission tests in 11 million diesel cars, the VW brand posted a record number of vehicle sales in a calendar month in November, flogging<\/a> 594,300 units worldwide. The group at large \u2014 including brands like Scania and Skoda \u2014 is turning a profit. That success story is also true for the German car industry more generally. VW continues to successfully argue it doesn\u2019t owe compensation to its European customers.<\/p>\nMargrethe Vestager<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy11-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
The Commission\u2019s competition czar secured her spot as the world\u2019s toughest tech regulator in 2017 after doling out sizable fines to the likes of Facebook<\/a>, Google<\/a> and Amazon<\/a> for alleged digital skullduggery. Her star has risen so much (even U.S. officials<\/a> now admit the Dane is leading the pack on digital regulation) that there\u2019s an outside chance she might become the next European Commission president<\/a>. More is expected next year: She has two open files against Google, and the appeals in the state-aid cases brought against Ireland and Luxembourg will trundle along for a while to come.<\/p>\nChina<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy12-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
The Middle Kingdom had a pretty good year<\/a> considering the bullets it had to dodge. It fended off punitive tariffs and avoided being branded a currency manipulator by the United States, thereby averting a trade war with U.S. President Donald Trump, who proved to be tamer<\/a> than many had expected. China secured a major win<\/a> by getting the EU to accept its market economy status<\/a>. EU leaders effectively recognized China\u2019s status<\/a> December 20 with the entry into force<\/a> of a new anti-dumping law that will replace the old system, which used to single out China as a non-market economy. On paper, China is now treated as an equal WTO member. (China also announced plans to restrict recyclable imports<\/a>, something likely to affect many EU countries.)<\/p>\nBees<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy13-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Bees have friends in high places. \u201cI\u2019m the best-known friend of the bees in Luxembourg,\u201d European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proudly told his team of commissioners<\/a> while the U.K. was triggering the legal procedure to leave the EU. Days before Juncker\u2019s plea to save Europe\u2019s beleaguered pollinators, the Commission president made known his displeasure at press leaks of draft proposals to ban pesticides suspected of killing bees. The Commission issued legislative proposals<\/a> to extend an EU-wide moratorium on the use of three neonicotinoid pesticides suspected of contributing to the declining population of pollinators.<\/p>\nMartin Selmayr<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy14-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
The powerful chief of staff to Juncker prefers analog to digital trade deals. And he got his way, blocking a plan to include rules<\/a> on the free flow of data in trade deals<\/a>. The plan was championed by Estonia \u2014 which held the Council\u2019s presidency \u2014 and was supported by many other EU countries. But Selmayr had a powerful ally: France said it did not want<\/a> to commit itself to any rules on free data flows that could forestall any national or EU legislation to restrict free-wheeling data trade. Selmayr is worried about a threat to the public perception of the EU if citizens think it is undermining privacy laws with its trade deals.<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy15-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy16-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/w0innerslosers2017policy10-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy17-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy08-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy01-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy02-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy03-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy04-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy05-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy06-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy07-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/12\/winnerslosers2017policy09-714x446.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nMargrethe Vestager<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The Commission\u2019s competition czar secured her spot as the world\u2019s toughest tech regulator in 2017 after doling out sizable fines to the likes of Facebook<\/a>, Google<\/a> and Amazon<\/a> for alleged digital skullduggery. Her star has risen so much (even U.S. officials<\/a> now admit the Dane is leading the pack on digital regulation) that there\u2019s an outside chance she might become the next European Commission president<\/a>. More is expected next year: She has two open files against Google, and the appeals in the state-aid cases brought against Ireland and Luxembourg will trundle along for a while to come.<\/p>\nChina<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The Middle Kingdom had a pretty good year<\/a> considering the bullets it had to dodge. It fended off punitive tariffs and avoided being branded a currency manipulator by the United States, thereby averting a trade war with U.S. President Donald Trump, who proved to be tamer<\/a> than many had expected. China secured a major win<\/a> by getting the EU to accept its market economy status<\/a>. EU leaders effectively recognized China\u2019s status<\/a> December 20 with the entry into force<\/a> of a new anti-dumping law that will replace the old system, which used to single out China as a non-market economy. On paper, China is now treated as an equal WTO member. (China also announced plans to restrict recyclable imports<\/a>, something likely to affect many EU countries.)<\/p>\nBees<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Bees have friends in high places. \u201cI\u2019m the best-known friend of the bees in Luxembourg,\u201d European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proudly told his team of commissioners<\/a> while the U.K. was triggering the legal procedure to leave the EU. Days before Juncker\u2019s plea to save Europe\u2019s beleaguered pollinators, the Commission president made known his displeasure at press leaks of draft proposals to ban pesticides suspected of killing bees. The Commission issued legislative proposals<\/a> to extend an EU-wide moratorium on the use of three neonicotinoid pesticides suspected of contributing to the declining population of pollinators.<\/p>\nMartin Selmayr<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The powerful chief of staff to Juncker prefers analog to digital trade deals. And he got his way, blocking a plan to include rules<\/a> on the free flow of data in trade deals<\/a>. The plan was championed by Estonia \u2014 which held the Council\u2019s presidency \u2014 and was supported by many other EU countries. But Selmayr had a powerful ally: France said it did not want<\/a> to commit itself to any rules on free data flows that could forestall any national or EU legislation to restrict free-wheeling data trade. Selmayr is worried about a threat to the public perception of the EU if citizens think it is undermining privacy laws with its trade deals.<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nChina<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The Middle Kingdom had a pretty good year<\/a> considering the bullets it had to dodge. It fended off punitive tariffs and avoided being branded a currency manipulator by the United States, thereby averting a trade war with U.S. President Donald Trump, who proved to be tamer<\/a> than many had expected. China secured a major win<\/a> by getting the EU to accept its market economy status<\/a>. EU leaders effectively recognized China\u2019s status<\/a> December 20 with the entry into force<\/a> of a new anti-dumping law that will replace the old system, which used to single out China as a non-market economy. On paper, China is now treated as an equal WTO member. (China also announced plans to restrict recyclable imports<\/a>, something likely to affect many EU countries.)<\/p>\nBees<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Bees have friends in high places. \u201cI\u2019m the best-known friend of the bees in Luxembourg,\u201d European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proudly told his team of commissioners<\/a> while the U.K. was triggering the legal procedure to leave the EU. Days before Juncker\u2019s plea to save Europe\u2019s beleaguered pollinators, the Commission president made known his displeasure at press leaks of draft proposals to ban pesticides suspected of killing bees. The Commission issued legislative proposals<\/a> to extend an EU-wide moratorium on the use of three neonicotinoid pesticides suspected of contributing to the declining population of pollinators.<\/p>\nMartin Selmayr<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The powerful chief of staff to Juncker prefers analog to digital trade deals. And he got his way, blocking a plan to include rules<\/a> on the free flow of data in trade deals<\/a>. The plan was championed by Estonia \u2014 which held the Council\u2019s presidency \u2014 and was supported by many other EU countries. But Selmayr had a powerful ally: France said it did not want<\/a> to commit itself to any rules on free data flows that could forestall any national or EU legislation to restrict free-wheeling data trade. Selmayr is worried about a threat to the public perception of the EU if citizens think it is undermining privacy laws with its trade deals.<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nBees<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Bees have friends in high places. \u201cI\u2019m the best-known friend of the bees in Luxembourg,\u201d European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proudly told his team of commissioners<\/a> while the U.K. was triggering the legal procedure to leave the EU. Days before Juncker\u2019s plea to save Europe\u2019s beleaguered pollinators, the Commission president made known his displeasure at press leaks of draft proposals to ban pesticides suspected of killing bees. The Commission issued legislative proposals<\/a> to extend an EU-wide moratorium on the use of three neonicotinoid pesticides suspected of contributing to the declining population of pollinators.<\/p>\nMartin Selmayr<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The powerful chief of staff to Juncker prefers analog to digital trade deals. And he got his way, blocking a plan to include rules<\/a> on the free flow of data in trade deals<\/a>. The plan was championed by Estonia \u2014 which held the Council\u2019s presidency \u2014 and was supported by many other EU countries. But Selmayr had a powerful ally: France said it did not want<\/a> to commit itself to any rules on free data flows that could forestall any national or EU legislation to restrict free-wheeling data trade. Selmayr is worried about a threat to the public perception of the EU if citizens think it is undermining privacy laws with its trade deals.<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nMartin Selmayr<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The powerful chief of staff to Juncker prefers analog to digital trade deals. And he got his way, blocking a plan to include rules<\/a> on the free flow of data in trade deals<\/a>. The plan was championed by Estonia \u2014 which held the Council\u2019s presidency \u2014 and was supported by many other EU countries. But Selmayr had a powerful ally: France said it did not want<\/a> to commit itself to any rules on free data flows that could forestall any national or EU legislation to restrict free-wheeling data trade. Selmayr is worried about a threat to the public perception of the EU if citizens think it is undermining privacy laws with its trade deals.<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nMichael Gove, the green Brexiteer<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
This time last year, the prominent Leaver was in exile from the top levels of British politics following a botched power grab during the confusion following the Brexit referendum. But after the snap election in June, Gove returned<\/a> to the limelight as the new environment secretary and born-again eco-warrior \u2014 laying out his vision for a greener<\/a> U.K. after Brexit. Since then, Gove has taken steps to strengthen animal welfare<\/a>, backed the release of beavers<\/a> into the wild, fought against puppy smugglers<\/a>, announced plans to ban<\/a> the sale of new fossil fuel-powered vehicles from 2040 and cut plastic pollution<\/a>. Many environmentalists question his green intentions, arguing Brexit will remove a layer of regulation and protection now offered by the EU. But there\u2019s no doubt he\u2019s back.<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nThe alcohol industry<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
For all the criticism boozemakers have gotten from EU Commissioner for Health Vytenis Andriukaitis in recent years, 2017 was another year in which they managed to keep the EU from imposing rules about labels with information on calories and ingredients. The Commission gave alcohol producers a year to come up with their own nutritional labeling plan<\/a>. If the Commission is unhappy with the plans brewers, winemakers and spirits makers submit in March 2018, it will take some time to propose a new law \u2014 giving industry yet more breathing space, and additional chances to lobby.<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nThe Mario brothers: Mario Draghi & M\u00e1rio Centeno<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Mario Draghi, the European Central Bank president, managed to pull off one of the biggest decisions for financial markets in recent monetary history and make it look like it was no big deal<\/a>. Draghi announced in late October that the ECB would halve its massive monthly bond-buying program<\/a> to \u20ac30 billion from January. The communication strategy meant that financial markets hardly made a peep when the Italian announced the policy change, which marked the beginning of the end of the ECB\u2019s easy-money policies. Meanwhile, M\u00e1rio Centeno, the quiet Portuguese finance minister, was the unlikely candidate who clinched the Eurogroup presidency<\/a>. Six months ago, the only people who seemed to think Centeno could take over the hot seat were the Portuguese.<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nMaroon passports<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
The U.K. government decided<\/a> just before Christmas to ditch one of the Brexiteers\u2019 most hated symbols of supplication to the EU \u2014 the maroon passport. Leave campaigners prefer the old dark blue type (along with ration books and spam) that was discontinued in 1988. After the U.K. leaves the bloc, the next generation of national passports will have a new light blue design. But the change has served only to highlight the power of the old maroon EU version that Britain is giving up \u2014 a document that allows the bearer to travel freely between and work within 28 countries. Albeit one fewer come March 2019.<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\nLOSERS<\/strong><\/h3>\nEuropean forests <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n<\/p>\n
Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Nearly 1 million hectares of forest went up in flames in the EU in 2017, more than four times the 2008-2016 annual average of 236,000 hectares, according to European satellite system Copernicus<\/a>. Deadly wildfires weakened<\/a> Portugal\u2019s government and led to questions over its forest policy<\/a>. Meanwhile, on the other side of the bloc, the ancient Bia\u0142owie\u017ca forest got caught up<\/a> in political tensions between Warsaw and Brussels. The Commission took Poland to court over increased logging in one of Europe\u2019s last primeval forests, which is also an EU-protected site. The government insists it needs to act to combat an outbreak of bark beetles, but the Commission isn\u2019t buying Warsaw\u2019s spin.<\/p>\n Ireland\u2019s low-cost carrier Ryanair had a troubled last half of 2017. The company\u2019s announcement<\/a> it would cancel flights affecting 400,000 passengers because of pilot rostering problems prompted sharp responses from EU regulators and national authorities. CEO O\u2019Leary, who stressed passengers were notified five weeks in advance of the schedule change, also came under fire after pilots threatened to strike<\/a>. Staff complained that Ryanair fails to offer the same pay and conditions as its rivals. In a response, O\u2019Leary wrote<\/a> to the pilots asking them not to leave the company and offered them better pay, but this move did not prevent pilots in Germany, Italy, Ireland and Portugal from threatening industrial action. (German pilots did strike<\/a> on December 22.) Finally, O\u2019Leary made a radical change in his long-standing antipathy toward unions and said he\u2019d recognize them if pilots organize.<\/p>\n There was one clear winner in the bidding for the European Medicines Agency: Amsterdam. There\u2019s competition for who was the biggest loser. For London, which has hosted the EMA since it was founded in 1995, the agency\u2019s departure means the loss of about 900 jobs, plenty of business tourism and oversight of European medicines regulation. Milan, which tied with Amsterdam to be the new host city, saw its fortunes fall away at the pluck of a piece of paper from a plastic bowl<\/a>. And Bratislava, thought to be Eastern Europe\u2019s most hopeful candidate, didn\u2019t make it through even the first round of competition. It was always the dark horse<\/a>, but its defeat means that part of the Continent still hosts no major EU agency, perpetuating the region\u2019s concern about being the EU\u2019s second-class citizen.<\/p>\n In the course of 12 months, Uber experienced a sexual harassment scandal, a change in CEO, management reshuffles, revelations of a huge data breach<\/a> it had kept quiet and a series of smaller scandals over its privacy policies for users and practices for drivers. In Europe, cities and national governments<\/a> pushed back against the company. To close a disastrous year, the European Court of Justice<\/a> ruled the company has to abide by rules affecting transportation companies, striking a blow to its business model.<\/p>\n Gabriel<\/a> stepped into her new role as digital commissioner at an incredibly busy time in tech policymaking, but missed her opportunity to put a distinct stamp on Europe\u2019s digital agenda. It wasn\u2019t entirely in her control \u2014 many key digital files were released before she joined the Commission in July<\/a>. But it\u2019s clear she\u2019s a caretaker commissioner of sorts, not a trailblazer with her own political views or ideas for reform. Unlike her predecessor, German heavyweight G\u00fcnther Oettinger, Gabriel doesn\u2019t seem to be on a path to creating her own tech legacy.<\/p>\n Coal was a loser in 2016, amid forecasts of stalling demand thanks to growing renewables and CO2 emissions restrictions. Its outlook grew worse in 2017, as more countries and investors joined the anti-coal bandwagon \u2014 despite Trump\u2019s pledge to save the industry. The U.K. and Canada spearheaded an international attack in the form of the Powering Past Coal Alliance<\/a> of countries, states, cities, businesses and organizations committed to phasing out unabated coal by 2025. EU measures to end coal use also spread, with Italy<\/a>, the Netherlands and Portugal joining the U.K., France and Finland.<\/p>\n Vaccine skeptics made a lot of noise this year on social media (and on both sides of the Atlantic<\/a>, including Brussels). Their efforts have only encouraged more stringent policies around the EU as measles outbreaks rage in Romania and Italy. Rome increased required vaccinations to 10, and a total of 11 vaccines will be obligatory in France as of January 1. The issue even caught the attention of Commission President Juncker, who called for<\/a> an EU-wide action plan to improve access and fight anti-vaccine messages on social media.<\/p>\n It\u2019s been a rough year for the departing German CEO of Deutsche B\u00f6rse. First, a DB-London Stock Exchange mega-merger was blocked by Brussels<\/a> in March, after the European Commission decided the tie-up would create a \u201cde facto\u201d monopoly in the clearing of fixed-income instruments. Kengeter then was forced to announce in October that he would step down<\/a> after investors called for his resignation, stating his position was \u201cuntenable\u201d amid allegations of insider trading. Those allegations related to his purchase of shares worth \u20ac4.5 million just weeks before merger talks started with the LSE. A court refused to accept a \u20ac500,000 settlement from Kengeter to avoid charges.<\/p>\n Nominating the man, who as Brexit secretary successfully led the U.K.\u2019s effort to persuade the EU to green-light Phase 2 of Britain\u2019s exit talks might seem a touch churlish. But Davis<\/a> ends the year with his credibility shredded as he discovered that the Brexit talks were less a negotiation and more a series of instructions for him to follow. In the summer, for example, he promised there would be no \u201cnet flow\u201d of money to the EU<\/a> after Brexit but later agreed to a Brexit bill amounting to between \u20ac40 billion and \u20ac45 billion<\/a>. Without an up-front cash offer, sufficient progress would not have happened. Also, in the summer, he claimed to have produced 58 sectoral analyses on the impact of Brexit, then said they didn\u2019t exist<\/a> and refused to release them. When MPs forced him to hand them over<\/a>, they looked little better than a hasty Wikipedia pull-together. And the honeymoon glow of the sufficient progress deal didn\u2019t last long when Davis antagonized his partners across the negotiating table by arguing it wasn\u2019t \u201ca legally enforceable thing<\/a>.\u201d And finally, he threatened to resign if Theresa May sacked her deputy Damian Green. When she duly did, Davis went back on his word and stayed put.<\/p>\nMichael O\u2019Leary<\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nLondon, Milan and Bratislava<\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nUber <\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nMariya Gabriel <\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nCoal, again <\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nAnti-vaxxers<\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nCarsten Kengeter<\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\nDavid Davis<\/strong><\/h3>\n
<\/p>\n