But talk is cheap. As countless national leaders before Macron have found, getting the EU to change course is the hard part.<\/p>\n
Heres a run-down of Macrons key proposals, together with analysis by POLITICOs specialist reporters \u2014 and our take on how much chance of success they have.<\/p>\n
TRADE<\/h3>\n
What Macron wants:<\/strong> A lot is left to interpretation from Macrons op-ed but trade is arguably the area where his proposals represent the most radical shift from status quo. They are broadly in line with a recent Franco-German push<\/a> to rethink the EU approach to competition and trade policy. Macron calls for a \u201cEuropean preference\u201d in public procurement and says the EU should \u201creshape our trade policy, penalizing or banning businesses that compromise our strategic interests and fundamental values.\u201d He also calls for \u201cpenalizing businesses\u201d that compromise \u201cenvironmental standards\u201d in trade.<\/p>\n Macron delivers a speech during the closing session of the Intelligence College in Europe | Ludovic Marin\/AFP via Getty Images<\/p>\n What the EU thinks:<\/strong> Weve heard that before. The \u201cEuropean preference\u201d line sounds a lot like the \u201cBuy European Act\u201d that Macron called for in his election program. But even French officials have admitted that type of protectionist measure is a nonstarter in Brussels.<\/p>\n A more realistic approach \u2014 that France has already championed \u2014 would be \u201creciprocity\u201d in public procurement. Thats the notion that EU governments should not buy goods and services from countries that are not open to European companies. The idea is gaining traction, including in Germanys latest industrial strategy<\/a>. Theres an old Commission proposal to that effect, which could be renegotiated between EU countries after the European election.<\/p>\n As for taking into account the EUs \u201cfundamental values\u201d in trade, Macron has a little credibility problem: When it was suggested to him that Frances strategic arms industry should not be exporting to Saudi Arabia, Macron called an export ban \u201cpure demagoguery.\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n Reality check:<\/strong> POLITICOs trade team puts the chances of implementing a policy of soft reciprocity (where non-EU companies are penalized unless their countries open up to EU bids) at 4 out of 5. But that \u201cfundamental values\u201d thing looks a lot like hot air.<\/p>\n What Macron wants:<\/strong> \u201cWe need to reform our competition policy,\u201d Macron wrote. Although the specific measures he hinted at are more in the trade domain, his call carries echoes of a Franco-German proposal<\/a> from last month. That came in the wake of the European Commissions block of the rail merger between Frances Alstom and Germanys Siemens that stirred up ill feelings in Paris and Berlin. Both countries insisted on the need to reform current EU rules to allow European companies to become \u201cglobal champions.\u201d That requires a rethink of how the Commission assesses mergers, mainly to take greater account of competition at the global level. Another important pillar of the strategy would allow for more state aid.<\/p>\n What the EU thinks:<\/strong> Currently, the EU does not allow its member countries to grant companies specific advantages. But several exemptions allow bypassing that rule, including a recent framework for joint research and innovation projects \u201cof European interest.\u201d France and Germany said this is a \u201cuseful\u201d but \u201cvery complex\u201d tool and have called for the conditions to be revised.<\/p>\n Responding more broadly to the Franco-German calls, European Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager has defended her existing toolbox, including the projects of European interest and state aid rules to tackle tax avoidance. But in a climate of increasing protectionism across the world, the proposals of France and Germany have some wind in their sails.<\/p>\n Chances of success:<\/strong> 3 out of 5. The reform of competition rules will be discussed in the run-up to, and after, the European Parliament election in May. The Franco-German alliances take is likely to have a strong impact on the final outcome.<\/p>\n What Macron wants: Quite a lot. The French president called for \u201cEuropean supervision\u201d of major digital platforms including \u201cprompt penalties for unfair competition, transparent algorithms,\u201d as well as more funding for innovation (see budget section below). He also wants a \u201cEuropean Agency for the Protection of Democracies\u201d to help countries protect themselves \u201cagainst cyber-attacks and manipulation,\u201d as well as European rules \u201cbanishing incitement to hatred and violence from the internet.\u201d<\/p>\n What the EU thinks: Weve already got much of that in place. Arguably, theres already \u201cEuropean supervision of major digital platforms\u201d thanks to Vestager and her competition department at the Commission and the EU Observatory on the Online Platform Economy, although for now there is no specific focus on algorithm transparency (guidelines on that front will be up to the next Commission). On cybersecurity and election defense, the EU has an action plan to push platforms to be more secure.<\/p>\n The Commission also works with national election officials to deal with cybersecurity threats, and is conducting stress tests on electoral systems. On hate speech and defending democracies, there are EU voluntary codes of conduct but the bloc has been reluctant to move toward regulation.<\/p>\n Chances of success: 4 out of 5 on the supervision of platforms. The Commission is already quite assertive when it comes to antitrust targeting Big Tech, and is expected to put forward new guidelines for dealing with algorithm bias and artificial intelligence. On hate speech, 1 out of 5. Given how much opposition there is to a law regulating terrorist content online, its hard to imagine a consensus for a law on hate speech.<\/p>\n What Macron wants: The French president called for financing \u201cinnovation by giving the new European Innovation Council a budget on a par with the United States in order to spearhead new technological breakthroughs such as artificial intelligence.\u201d Macron thinks big on EU agencies: As well as a European Agency for the Protection of Democracies, he wants a \u201cEuropean Climate Bank to finance the ecological transition,\u201d a \u201cEuropean food safety force\u201d and a \u201cEuropean Council for Internal Security.\u201d But his big plans include no mention of how they would be financed.<\/p>\n What the EU thinks: The European Commission has proposed<\/a> an increased in research spending for the blocs next long-term budget, which is set to run from 2021 until 2027. Its budget proposal also includes<\/a> spending on climate and the environment, as well as proposed programs for funding<\/a> border management.<\/p>\n Macron talks with European leaders during a summit in Brussels | Emmanuel Dunand\/AFP via Getty Images<\/p>\n Chances of success: 1 out of 5. A boost to EU spending in order to finance any of Macrons big ideas will depend in large part on the willingness the EUs so-called net contributors \u2014 wealthy countries like Germany, France and the Netherlands \u2014 to put more money into the EUs coffers. At the moment, a group of frugal countries that includes the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden are resisting calls for an increase in national contributions to the EU budget post Brexit. Without new EU funding, many of Macrons ideas face an uncertain future: The EUs budget requires unanimous agreement of all member governments.<\/p>\n What Macron wants:<\/strong> Macron says he wants pesticide use halved by 2025. He has also suggested establishing a \u201cEuropean food safety force\u201d whose job it would be to improve controls on food, counter the threat of powerful lobby organizations and bolster the independence of scientific assessment studies regulating hazardous substances.<\/p>\n What the EU thinks: <\/strong>Halving pesticide use by 2025 is already French government policy \u2014 but French farmers are hopping mad because they say there are few alternative solutions. There are currently no European laws being proposed that would seek such an aim. Brussels is, however, in the final stages of reforming the so-called General Food Law, whereby the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) should gain additional powers to conduct its own safety tests on products such as pesticides. EFSA last year was allocated an additional \u20ac60 million per year to do the same job that Macrons food safety force would likely do.<\/p>\n Macron milks a cow in Laroquevieille, near Aurillac in 2016 | Thierry Zoccolan\/AFP via Getty Images<\/p>\n![](\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/03\/GettyImages-1128753865-714x438.jpg\"\/)
<\/p>\nCOMPETITION<\/h3>\n
TECH<\/h3>\n
BUDGET<\/h3>\n
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<\/p>\nFOOD AND AGRICULTURE<\/h3>\n
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